Amos Nathaniel Goldhaber

Amos Nathaniel Goldhaber, February 15, 1948 (Wisconsin)  -

VP candidate for Natural Law Party (aka Independent aka Reform Party of the United States of America aka Independence Party) (2000)

Running mate with nominee: John Samuel Hagelin (b. 1954)
Popular vote: 77,439 (0.07%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

John Hagelin was running for a third time for President in 2000, but what exact party and who the running-mates were takes some sorting out.

As early as November 1999, Mike Tompkins (the running-mate in 1992 and 1996) was campaigning in Ohio, identified as the Natural Law Party VP. As late as August 2000, when Hagelin was fighting Pat Buchanan for the Reform Party of the United States of America nomination, Tompkins was called the former's running-mate in Iowa. In the same month, when Hagelin was removed from the Indiana ballot as the Reform Party candidate, Tompkins was listed on the ticket. A Hagelin/Tompkins NLP 2000 campaign button was even produced.

But something happened and I could not find any sources that spelled it out.

It was in August 2000 that Hagelin told the press he was considering either Silicon Valley multimillionaire entrepreneur Amos Nathaniel "Nat" Goldhaber as his running-mate, or NASA scientist Bob Bowman. This was right after Pat Buchanan was declared the official Reform Party nominee, a nomination disputed by Hagelin. So at a parallel splinter group Reform Party convention, Goldhaber was nominated as Hagelin's VP. Two weeks later Goldhaber was officially nominated the second spot at the NLP convention as well. Shortly after all of this, the FEC granted the Reform Party nomination to Buchanan, along with the matching funds.

A fellow devotee of Transcendental Meditation with Hagelin, Goldhaber is the son of Jewish refugees who were respected physicists. He was raised in Berkeley, Calif.

Still, Tompkins ended up on the ballot with Hagelin in two states. In Massachusetts they were presented as "Unenrolled" and gained 0.11% of the vote. In Missouri the Hagelin/Tompkins ticket, under the NLP banner, had 0.05%.

Laura Ticciati was on the ballot with Hagelin in Kansas, Louisiana, and New Jersey. In several other states Hagelin was on the ballot with no VP at all.

Hagelin still considered himself representing a fusion of the NLP and Reform Party and indeed was listed as a Reform candidate on the ballot in Illinois, Minnesota, Oregon, Tennessee, Wisconsin and perhaps a few others. In New York, the old New Alliance Party leaders Fred Newman and Lenora Fulani were now using the Independence Party as a vehicle and in that capacity ran Hagelin/Goldhaber under their banner. Fulani had made an earlier attempt to be Hagelin's running-mate. Interestingly, Newman and Fulani had originally endorsed Pat Buchanan but changed their minds.

Overall the NLP finished with 83,710 votes (0.08%) in 2000, a decline from their 1996 result. The Hagelin/Goldhaber portion of the NLP vote came to 77,439 popular votes by my estimation. Their strongest showings were: New York 0.36%, Alaska 0.32%, Idaho 0.23%, Wyoming 0.19%, Iowa-Oregon 0.17% each, Montana 0.16%, Colorado-Ohio 0.13% each, Arkansas-Washington 0.12% each, California-Kentucky-North Dakota-Utah 0.10% each

It was their final nationwide election effort. The Party eventually scattered into local chapters, with Michigan remaining the most active. In 2004 the NLP endorsed Rep. Dennis Kucinich in the Democratic Party primaries.

Election history: none

Other occupations: venture capitalist, computer entrepreneur, special assistant to Lt. Gov. William Scranton III (Penn.),

Notes:
Private pilot.
Father of triplets.
Austrian mother, German father who met in Israel.

Pat Choate

Pat Choate, April 27, 1941 (Maypearl, Tex.) -

VP candidate for Reform Party of the United States of America (aka Reform Party aka Independent aka Unaffiliated aka Independence Party of New York) (1996)

Running mate with nominee: Henry Ross Perot (1930-2019)
Popular vote: 5,215,818 (5.42%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

Riding on the momentum of his historic third party wave of 1992, Ross Perot formed the Reform Party of the United States of America in 1995. He originally declined to run for the Presidency himself, leaving a vacancy for the nomination. Although several politicians toyed with the idea, it was former Colorado Governor Richard Lamm, a Democrat, who threw his hat into the ring. He even selected a running-mate, Ed Zschau, a former US Congressman who represented California, and a Republican.

But it was not to be. The ever unpredictable Perot decided he wanted the nomination after all, and defeated Lamm in a very lopsided primary race which was held via mail-in ballots. Perot's action caused the first of many rifts in the embryonic party which made their odds more insurmountable than ever.

The Reform Party's 1996 platform was vaguely centrist, with a focus on economics. It avoided hot button issues like abortion, Gay rights, and capital punishment. Some have called the Reform Party philosophy of this era "producerist," appealing to the economic middle class.

An odd alliance took place when Lenora Fulani and Fred Newman, former leaders of the now defunct New Alliance Party, had sounded the call for their followers to work for Perot. In 1996 the two were part of the newly formed Patriot Party. Exactly what percentage of Reform Party volunteers consisted of former NAP members has never really been determined, but their presence was a bit controversial since several critics considered the New Alliance Party to have been a cult.

The Independence Party of New York affiliated with the Reform Party during the 1996 election.

Finding a professional politician to serve as VP came to a fizzle. Names bandied about the press included David Boren, Sam Nunn, Warren Rudman, Marcy Kaptur, and Linda Smith.

Perot named Pat Choate as his official running-mate on Sept. 10, 1996. A protectionist on the subject of free trade, Choate was Perot's coach during the 1993 NAFTA debate with Al Gore. Dr. Choate had worked for Republican state and federal administrations as an economic advisor, supported Al Gore for President in 1988 and then contributed funds to Pat Buchanan's Presidential runs in 1992 and 1996.

The infomercial Perot used to introduce Choate included the following dialogue:

Perot: I needed someone who's a fighter, someone who knows the facts cold, a person of integrity and grit. Pat, you're just the person to make this thing work.

Choate: I'm honored, Ross. I'll give it my all. I know Washington. Too many people profit at the public's expense. We'll have a campaign of ideas, choices and solutions.

Perot: Thomas Jefferson must be smiling down on you.

Choate: We're going to win.

Perot: Gonna have fun.

Regarding Choate's selection as VP, CNN commented: It's hard to see what political benefit Choate brings to Perot's ticket. It's certainly not name recognition, certainly not political experience and certainly not business experience. The man who once exclaimed "Policy! That's what my career is about" has never held nor sought elective office and never run a business. He even -- horror! -- violates Perot's longstanding pet peeve that no employees wear a beard. Choate, portly and professorial, sports an impressive shock of facial hair.

Although perhaps not a household name, Choate's selection did not harm the ticket which in itself is an accomplishment for running-mates.

Unfortunately for the Reform Party, the major parties learned their lesson from allowing Perot to participate in the Presidential debates in 1992. Try as they might, neither Perot or Choate were allowed to take part in 1996. Seeing a Choate-Kemp-Gore VP debate would have been a very interesting discussion between three well-spoken policy wonks.

Due to Choate being named as a running-mate so late in the game, he was listed with Perot on the ballot in 35 states + DC. The remaining states had the names of two stand-in VPs.

Overall Perot won 8,085,402 popular votes (8.40%). The Perot/Choate ticket accounted for about 2/3 of that with 5.42%. Best 10 states: Idaho 12.71%, Wyoming 12.25%, Vermont 12.00%, Minnesota 11.75%, West Virginia 11.26%, Rhode Island 11.20%, Alaska 10.90%, Oklahoma 10.84%, Delaware 10.60%, and Nebraska 10.52%.

Election history: none

Other occupations: US Army, economist, author, radio host, teacher

Notes:
Ph.D. in Economics from University of Oklahoma.

Maria Elizabeth Muñoz

Maria Elizabeth Muñoz, April 2, 1957 (Los Angeles, Calif.) -

VP candidate for New Alliance Party (aka Independent aka More Perfect Democracy aka United Citizens Party) (1992)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 73,652 (0.07%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

For the second time in a row, the New Alliance Party nominated Lenora Fulani. Interestingly she ran in the Democratic Party primary in New Hampshire early in 1992 and was newsworthy for heckling Bill Clinton. Also for the second time Fulani won the Peace and Freedom Party primary in California only to be denied the final nomination at the convention. In 1988 the PFP actually melted down and did not have an official nominee, something they did not want to repeat in 1992. Many of Fulani's critics felt the NAP was a cult attempting to take over the PFP and was not actually a true Left wing movement. Fulani provided her own version of events in an article written in 2000:

By 1992, I was running for president for a second time. I sought the California Peace and Freedom Party nomination again. Ross Perot was running for president, too, and the two-party system was about to come face to face with his formidable independent challenge. In liberal and progressive political circles there was feverish concern about the presidential election. Rev. Jesse Jackson had run twice -- in 1984 and in 1988 -- raising and then dashing the hopes of black and progressive Americans that our political power could be expanded through the Democratic Party. But in 1992 Jackson did not run for a third time; instead progressives -- including African Americans -- were being primed to support Bill Clinton, who cut his teeth in national politics by playing the race card. He seized an opportunity to publicly upbraid Jackson to demonstrate that he wasn't sympathetic to black and liberal concerns. This was part of Clinton's strategy to win Reagan Democrats back into the fold. Black and progressive leaders, who had given the Democratic Party a political "blank check," had to figure out how to make Clinton "fly" for their constituents.

Mainstream liberals figured they'd have no problem because their constituents would still feel they had nowhere else to go. But, the left establishment (i.e. the old left) was worried that ordinary progressives and blacks might defect to independent politics. When I threw my hat into the ring again in 1992, the old left needed a candidate to face me down. What better choice than Jesse Jackson's former deputy campaign manager, Ron Daniels, to run as the "official progressive" presidential candidate, but under "black cover."

Daniels puttered around the country, getting on the ballot in only 10 states, and wheeling out every piece of trash the old left had manufactured against me for 15 years, announcing that his goal was to destroy me ... But nowhere was the confrontation between Daniels, the black puppet of the white fringe left and me, the black progressive trying to bring minority voters into the nascent independent movement, sharper than in the 1992 California Peace and Freedom Party primary.

This contest was a three-way between Daniels, myself and a Latina woman whom Daniels' supporters had recruited to siphon off Hispanic and female voters from me. In spite of his vicious cult-baiting, attempts to hijack the party and other forms of political garbage, I won the three-way preferential primary with 51 percent. Daniels polled 32.5 percent and the "planted" candidate 16 percent. Many of my voters came from the black and Latino registrant base -- which had continued to grow since 1988 -- and from white progressives who wanted the party to be more relevant.

But Daniels and his ultra-left political allies weren't done. They once again mobilized support at the state convention to reject the wishes of the membership and gave Daniels the Peace and Freedom line. Once again, these left leaders preferred to disempower the rank and file to pursue their own narrow goals. When the Perot movement hit it big, and 20 million Americans went independent, I was able to take my networks and followers into a new coalition with Perot voters. Peace and Freedom, its fringy ideologues and Ron Daniels were all left behind in the sectarian dust.

However Fulani did have a strong connection to the PFP in the course of her campaign. Her running-mate, Maria Elizabeth Muñoz, had already been running for various public offices as a member of the Party since 1986. Several sources cite this team as the first 100% ticket of women of color, but in fact in 1988 Fulani appeared on the ballot with Barbara R. Taylor in New Jersey and Wynonia Brewington Burke in Alaska-Arizona-North Carolina-Washington and Mamie Moore in Hawaii-Idaho-Indiana-Kentucky-Michigan-Minnesota-Mississippi-Pennsylvania-South Dakota.

Although Munoz had previously run under the Peace and Freedom Party in other elections, she had been allied with the New Alliance Party the entire time. She was introduced to the NAP while working in New York. Munoz returned to her native state of California ca1984. In 1986, while running for Governor, she mentioned the relationship between the PFP and NAP: "The Alliance has received a mixed reaction from the Peace and Freedom Party, and we do have our differences. But they recognize that what I am talking about is facing the community and drawing them into the democratic process. At a time when Right-wing and conservative forces are gaining ground around the country, I don't think we can afford to spend time debating the correct party line amongst ourselves. What we need is to build tools for empowerment."

Having recently lost her brother to AIDS, Munoz had a powerful personal story to relate in the course of advocating for victims of the disease.

Even though Fulani failed to gain the PFP nomination, in South Carolina she appeared on the ballot as before as part of the United Citizens Party.

It wasn't so much the NAP platform that drew criticism from groups on the Left, it was more about their methods. Several pundits and ex-members (including the 1984 NAP Presidential nominee) basically accused the New Alliance Party of being a totalatarian cult. Fighting these charges frequently made the Party expend their limited energy and resources entrenching in a defensive position.

Compared to the previous election, it was a disappointing result for the NAP, garnering only about a third of the votes they won in 1988. This would be their final national run for the Presidency and the Party itself would soon disband. It is difficult to conclude how much the Ross Perot third party run had cut into NAP's base, but by 1996 several former NAP leaders competed with other politicos for control of the network Perot had built.

On the ballot in 39 states plus DC and write-ins in seven others, the Fulani/Muñoz ticket placed sixth nationally. They placed 4th, after Perot, in District of Columbia (0.64%), Rhode Island (0.41%), Delaware (0.38%), and Mississippi (0.27%). Other states with their strongest popular vote percentages: Oregon (0.21%), Hawaii (0.19%), New York (0.16%), and Vermont (0.15%).

Muñoz seems to have vanished from the political radar after 1992.

Election history:
1986 - Governor of California (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1988 - US Senate (Calif.) (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1989 - Mayor of Los Angeles (Calif.) (Nonpartisan) - defeated
1990 - Governor of California (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1991 - Los Angeles (Calif.) City Council (Nonpartisan) - defeated
1992 - US House of Representatives (Calif.) (Peace and Freedom Party) - primary - defeated

Other occupations: counselor in a shelter for battered women, teacher

Notes:
Included in the 1986 race: George Deukmejian (winner), Tom Bradley, Matilde Zimmermann.
Pete Wilson was the winner of the 1988 race.
Tom Bradley was the winner of the 1989 race.
Included in the 1990 race: Pete Wilson (winner), Dianne Feinstein.
Also called Liz Munoz.

Asiba D. Tupahache

Asiba D. Tupahache, January 16, 1951 (Long Island, NY) -

VP candidate for Campaign for a New Tomorrow (aka Peace and Freedom Party aka Independent aka Equal Justice and Opportunity aka Labor-Farm/Laborista-Agrario Party) (1992)

Running mate with nominee: Ronald Daniels (b. 1942)
Popular vote: 27,884 (0.03%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

Ron Daniels had been the Executive Director of Jesse Jackson's Rainbow Coalition and was involved in Jackson's 1984 and 1988 Presidential primary campaigns, serving as deputy campaign manager in the latter effort. He was also a political science professor, so he was definitely going into the electioneering with no illusions.

With the goal of building a truly multiracial movement dubbed Campaign for a New Tomorrow, he announced his intention to run on Columbus Day 1991 to call attention to the fact that Americans celebrated a day devoted to a man who enslaved and killed people in the civilizations he "discovered."

With Jackson declining to run in 1992 many of his followers felt that Bill Clinton was much too centrist. The Campaign for a New Tomorrow wanted to pick up where Jackson left off. They advocated universal health care, strict environmental laws, inner city restoration programs, cutting the military budget, and increasing taxes on the wealthy.

But instead of having the opportunity to focus on the major parties, Daniels' campaign ended up mostly in conflict with the New Alliance Party. Nowhere was that more evident than in California.

NAP nominee Lenore Fulani was running for President again in 1992, and for a second time won the Peace and Freedom Party primary in California only to be denied the final nomination at the convention. In 1988 the PFP actually melted down and did not have an official nominee, something they did not want to repeat in 1992. Many of Fulani's critics felt the NAP was a cult attempting to take over the PFP and was not actually a true Left wing movement. Fulani provided her own version of events in an article written in 2000:

By 1992, I was running for president for a second time. I sought the California Peace and Freedom Party nomination again. Ross Perot was running for president, too, and the two-party system was about to come face to face with his formidable independent challenge. In liberal and progressive political circles there was feverish concern about the presidential election. Rev. Jesse Jackson had run twice -- in 1984 and in 1988 -- raising and then dashing the hopes of black and progressive Americans that our political power could be expanded through the Democratic Party. But in 1992 Jackson did not run for a third time; instead progressives -- including African Americans -- were being primed to support Bill Clinton, who cut his teeth in national politics by playing the race card. He seized an opportunity to publicly upbraid Jackson to demonstrate that he wasn't sympathetic to black and liberal concerns. This was part of Clinton's strategy to win Reagan Democrats back into the fold. Black and progressive leaders, who had given the Democratic Party a political "blank check," had to figure out how to make Clinton "fly" for their constituents.

Mainstream liberals figured they'd have no problem because their constituents would still feel they had nowhere else to go. But, the left establishment (i.e. the old left) was worried that ordinary progressives and blacks might defect to independent politics. When I threw my hat into the ring again in 1992, the old left needed a candidate to face me down. What better choice than Jesse Jackson's former deputy campaign manager, Ron Daniels, to run as the "official progressive" presidential candidate, but under "black cover."

Daniels puttered around the country, getting on the ballot in only 10 states, and wheeling out every piece of trash the old left had manufactured against me for 15 years, announcing that his goal was to destroy me ... But nowhere was the confrontation between Daniels, the black puppet of the white fringe left and me, the black progressive trying to bring minority voters into the nascent independent movement, sharper than in the 1992 California Peace and Freedom Party primary.

This contest was a three-way between Daniels, myself and a Latina woman whom Daniels' supporters had recruited to siphon off Hispanic and female voters from me. In spite of his vicious cult-baiting, attempts to hijack the party and other forms of political garbage, I won the three-way preferential primary with 51 percent. Daniels polled 32.5 percent and the "planted" candidate 16 percent. Many of my voters came from the black and Latino registrant base -- which had continued to grow since 1988 -- and from white progressives who wanted the party to be more relevant.

But Daniels and his ultra-left political allies weren't done. They once again mobilized support at the state convention to reject the wishes of the membership and gave Daniels the Peace and Freedom line. Once again, these left leaders preferred to disempower the rank and file to pursue their own narrow goals. When the Perot movement hit it big, and 20 million Americans went independent, I was able to take my networks and followers into a new coalition with Perot voters. Peace and Freedom, its fringy ideologues and Ron Daniels were all left behind in the sectarian dust.

It should be noted Daniels had a long career in civil rights activism including participation with the National Black Independent Political Party before his involvement with the Democrats. Also, in 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead. Jackson himself endorsed Clinton in 1992.

Asiba Tupahache, a Matinecoc Nation Indigenous American activist from Long Island, NY, was selected as the VP nominee. Daniels explained his philosophy in his choice of a running-mate during a campaign speech:

So we're talking about using this candidacy. Let’s be clear that it’s an educational vehicle, a vehicle to mobilize the unmobilized, register the unregistered, and more than anything else, to build permanent organizations. And that’s what we're doing in city after city.

This is a movement prepared to work with other initiatives. It's distinguished, however, by the fact that it comes essentially out of the Black community. It's reaching out to people of color in very emphatic and decisive ways. Within the next weeks I hope to announce something we've talked about throughout this campaign, a Native American woman as a running mate.

This is important, both because the issue of Native Americans is crucial and because it's important to have a woman as a co-partner in this process. In 1992, 500 years after the Columbus fiasco, we need someone who will tell the experiences of Native Americans. Let America know what happened 500 years ago, but also that Native Americans are being exploited, preyed upon, dispossessed even as we speak tonight.

It is difficult to find any sources discussing Tupahache's role in active campaigning.

Two years after the election, Daniels was interviewed by Against the Current and he talked about the 1992 campaign:

ATC: What are the lessons that you draw from your own campaign? What you’re talking about here sounds a lot like what you did in 1992. What are the obstacles you met and how could you overcome them?

RD: [Laughs.] Well, no, what I did in 1992 was run. What I'm talking about here is unfinished parts of what we tried to do. In 1992, it was important to try to run to lay out some ideas, which I feel perfectly vindicated about. In fact, I think a lot of people now feel that I was absolutely correct. People who wouldn't touch it. They were into "defeat Bush at all costs." I kept saying that any difference between Bush and Clinton would be incremental and not fundamental.

ATC: In many ways, he's worse than Bush.

RD: Yes, because Bush could not talk about taxing unemployment benefits. There probably would have been more resistance to NAFTA had there been a Republican running it. And then labor just fell for the okie-doke, man. On health care and NAFTA! After NAFTA: "We’re angry. We're going to punish him." He dangled worker replacement legislation in front of them. "Hang on." Then he didn't do a damn thing for it. He just cut labor's throat, and labor went for it. So you're right, having a Democrat is even worse, because there's this illusion.

I think that the key problems of running a candidate are still resources, ballot access. We've got to be able to break this media thing. There would be times when I was making speeches, when I'd be in the stratosphere – to twenty people! I was convinced that if I could have made that same speech on national television, it would have gotten them. We've got to find a strategy that allows us to get our message out. We cannot get around the problem of the dictatorship of the corporate, for-profit media. I think that if we could get a consensus behind someone in 1996 and work out a broad-based coalition of groups that would support a candidacy, then we would have a much better impact than my campaign had. My own game plan would be to see if we can strengthen Campaign for a New Tomorrow and see it as one of the critical centers, because it is a predominantly African-American, person of color formation. If there were a strong affirmation or demand, then I'd be open to running in the year 2000. I'd like to close the century with a campaign that would point to some new directions for the 21st century.

The Daniels/Tupahache ticket could be found on the ballot in seven states plus DC and received recorded write-ins in four others. For some reason Daniels had no running-mate listed on the Utah ballot so the 177 votes in the Beehive State are subtracted from the total. The team's strongest results: District of Columbia 0.52%, California 0.17%, Louisiana 0.09%, Wisconsin 0.07%. 1992 was the last election where either candidate ran for public office.

Election history: none

Other occupations: teacher, author, editor, publisher, video artist

Notes:
Advocate of home schooling.

Barbara R. Taylor

Barbara R. Taylor, January 1, 1922 - January 6, 2012

VP candidate for New Alliance Party (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 5,139 (0.01%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." On the New Jersey ballot her VP was Barbara R. Taylor, who ran the Barbara Taylor School, located in the Harlem section of New York. Since both Fulani and Taylor were residents of New York, there would have been a Constitutional problem in the event they had won.

The Barbara Taylor School began in 1985 and became a hub and laboratory involving several figures from this psychological/political movement based on the work of Fred Newman. New Alliance Party philosophy apparently filtered into the curriculum. In addition to running for Vice-President, Taylor was also running for a seat in the US House that year-- first in the Democratic primary then in the general under the NAP banner. Even though she ran as a Democrat in the primary, she told a reporter in 1988, "The two party system really operates as one. The Republicans have never made any bones about what they represent. The Democrats make this hype about working for minorities, but they don't."

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Taylor ticket received 0.17% of the popular vote in New Jersey.

Election history:
1988 - US House of Representatives (NY) (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1989 - Manhattan Borough President (NY) (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1989 - Manhattan Borough President (NY) (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1992 - New York Assembly (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1992 - New York Assembly (New Alliance Party) - defeated
2000 - New York Assembly (Independence Party of New York) - defeated

Other occupations: teacher

Notes:
Incumbent and winner of the 1988 House race was Charles Rangel.
The Barbara Taylor School ran until 1997.

Michael Pellettiere

Michael Pellettiere

VP candidate for Independent (aka New Alliance Party) (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 3,806 (0.00%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Her VP who was on the Kansas ballot only was Michael Pellettiere, who lived in Queens, NY. Since both Fulani and Pellettiere lived in New York, there would have been a Constitutional problem in the event of their electoral victory.

Pellettiere, who was already active with the NAP, had some connection with the Barbara Taylor School in Harlem, where he was known as "Mr. P." Taylor herself was Fulani's running-mate in New Jersey.

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Pellettiere team earned 0.38% of the popular vote in Kansas.

Election history: none

Other occupations: ?

Notes:
More data is welcome

B. Kwaku Duren

B. Kwaku Duren, April 14, 1943 (Beckley, W. Va.) -

VP candidate for Independent (aka New Alliance Party) (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 31,180 (0.03%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

In the 1988 election the Peace and Freedom Party seemed to be in a bit of disarray as it tried to fend off a takeover attempt by the New Alliance Party. The PFP appeared to have been seriously split and a third of the delegates walked out of the convention in Oakland. This was a rare election where the PFP did not appear on the Presidential ballot in California. NAP leader Lenora Fulani and Internationalist Workers Party figure Herb Lewin both claimed the nomination but when they filed with the California Secretary of State the election officials refused to recognize either one as the legitimate Presidential selection.

Lewin claimed victory but Fulani said she was nominated at a "parallel convention" in a nearby hotel.

It seems the PFP party officials made the request not to list either one on the ballot. Party chair and 1980 presidential nominee Maureen Smith told the press the nomination process "never got off on a legal start" since so many delegates were not credentialed. There had been talk of officially making Eugene McCarthy the PFP choice and it seems some negotiating did take place but consensus was never attained.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the New Alliance Party Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the NAP as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Her VP who was on the California ballot only was B. Kwaku Duren, one of the few 1988 Fulani ticket-sharers who had already established a prior public political identity independent of the NAP.

In the 1970s Duren was an ex-convict who was already on the path of seeking social change through community action when his sister was shot and killed by a California State Highway Patrol officer during what should have been a normal traffic stop. This seemed to sharpen his resolve as he joined the Black Panther Party and earned a degree in law. Always a controversial figure, Duren was making a second try for a seat in the US House as a member of the Peace and Freedom Party at the same time he was running for Vice-President with the New Alliance Party.

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Duren ticket received 0.32% of the popular vote in California, so it was better than Fulani's national average.

Election history:
1986 - US House of Representatives (Calif.) (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1988 - US House of Representatives (Calif.) (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1990 - California Insurance Commissioner (Peace and Freedom Party) - primary - defeated
1992 - US House of Representatives (Calif.) (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
2013 - Mayor of Compton, Calif. (Nonpartisan) - primary - defeated

Other occupations: attorney, author, teacher, co-chair of the Coalition Against Police Abuse, Coordinator of the Southern California Chapter of the Black Panther Party, President of the Union of Legal Services Workers of Los Angeles, Executive Director of Community Services Unlimited, founding member and chairman of the New African American Vanguard Movement

Notes:
Winner of the 1986 and 1988 races was Merv Dymally.
One of his fellow candidates in the 2013 race was Rodney Allen Rippy.
Birth name: Robert Donaldson Duren.

Harold Franklin Moore

Harold Franklin Moore, August 6, 1945 - December 1, 1989 (Portland, Ore.)

VP candidate for Independent (aka New Alliance Party) (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 6,487 (0.01%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Her running-mate in Oregon was Harold F. Moore.

Moore, who confessed to "a long and complicated criminal history" including long periods of incarceration, was a Portland, Oregon-based HIV-infected Gay activist who had originally been involved in the Democratic Party supporting Dukakis in a lukewarm way but was won over by Fulani and the New Alliance Party partly as a result of the Democratic failure to adequately address the AIDS crisis. Moore told the press, "I used to feel isolated" but thanks to the NAP "the hole inside me is gone." Three months after joining the Party, he found himself in the position of VP nominee on the Oregon ballot.

It is important to remember that during both of his terms, President Reagan never addressed the AIDS pandemic in public.

Not all Gay activists were so enthralled by the NAP's outreach program and a considerable body of critical literature exists.

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Moore ticket finished with 0.54% of the popular vote in Oregon, the 4th best showing for Fulani among the 50 states + DC.

Election history: none

Other occupations: journalist for Gay publications

Buried: ?

Notes:
Would have died in office if elected.

Rafael Méndez

Rafael Méndez, b. ca1950

VP candidate for New Alliance Party (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 9,445 (0.01%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Rafael Méndez, a Fred Newman disciple of Puerto Rican heritage, was on the ballot with Fulani in New Mexico and Texas. He was also running for US Congress in New York as a member of the NAP. His general pattern was to initially run for public office in the primaries as a Democrat, then as a member of the NAP in the main election.

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

I could not find any evidence Méndez actually campaigned in either of the states where he ran as Fulani's VP. Since Fulani and Méndez were apparently both residents of New York, there would have been a Constitutional problem in the event they had won.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Méndez ticket finished with 0.43% in New Mexico and 0.13% in Texas.

Election history:
1985 - New York City Comptroller (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1985 - New York City Comptroller (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1986 - Lt. Governor of New York (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1987 - Bronx Borough President (NY) (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1988 - US House of Representatives (NY) (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1989 - New York City Council President (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1989 - New York City Council President (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1991 - New York City Council (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1991 - New York City Council (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1992 - US House of Representatives (NY) (Democratic) - primary - defeated
1992 - US House of Representatives (NY) (New Alliance Party) - defeated
1993 - New York City Council (New Alliance Party) - defeated

Other occupations: assistant professor of psychology at Bronx Community College, author, air traffic controller in the Vetnam War, roofer, security guard, truck driver, actor

Notes:
One of the other Democrats defeated in the 1992 primary was Stephen Joshua Solarz.
Co-editor, with Lois Holzman of Psychological Investigations: A Clinician's Guide to Social Therapy
  (2003)
Ph.D. in psychology, Boston University 1983.
Later became involved with the Independence Party of New York.

Wynonia Brewington Burke

Wynonia Brewington Burke, June, 1950 (Sampson County, NC) -

VP candidate for New Alliance Party (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 11,888 (0.01%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Wynonia Brewington Burke, a resident of Arizona but originally from North Carolina was on the ballot with Fulani in four states. Burke's parents had Cherokee and Coharie tribal heritage, making her the third Indigenous American woman to be nominated for Vice-President in US history. She was usually identified in the media as part of the Coharie community.

Although in 1988 Burke was also running as a member of the NAP for a position in the Arizona State House, she still went out of state to campaign for the national ticket.

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

Burke told a reporter, "We're going to cost Dukakis the election with two million votes he has taken for granted." But as it turned out Dukakis lost the election without the help of the NAP.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Burke ticket earned 11,888 votes with the percentage result being Alaska 0.51%, North Carolina 0.27%, Washington 0.19%, Arizona 0.14%.

Election history:
1988 - Arizona House of Representatives (New Alliance Party) - defeated

Other occupations: artist, special needs care provider

Notes:
Moved to Tucson, Ariz. in 1983.
As a voter in Washington in 1988 I must confess I do not recall the Fulani/Burke campaign
 registering on my radar. Full disclosure, I was an uncomitted delegate at the Grays Harbor County
 Democratic convention that year. It was final time I ever participated as member of any political
 party and I have regarded myself as an independent ever since.

Mamie L. Moore

Mamie L. Moore, October 17, 1938 -

VP candidate for New Alliance Party (aka Independent) (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 25,484 (0.03%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Mamie Moore, a community activist from Somerset, NJ was on the ballot with Fulani in nine states. Moore did not appear to have been an active on-the-road campaigner.

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American woman to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Moore ticket had 23,484 popular votes. Their results: Idaho 0.61%, Indiana 0.47%, Hawaii 0.28%, Mississippi and South Dakota 0.23% each, Pennsylvania 0.10%, Kentucky 0.09%, Minnesota 0.08%, Michigan 0.07%.

Election history:
1970 - Somerville Board of Education (Nonpartisan) - defeated 
1990 - US House of Representatives (NY) (New Alliance Party) - defeated

Other occupations: nurse, Director of Somerset Community Action Program, union activist

Notes:
Relocated to Atlanta, Ga.

Joyce Gail Dattner

Joyce Gail Dattner, June 1, 1948 (New York, NY) -

VP candidate for New Alliance Party (aka Independent aka Illinois Solidarity Party aka Alliance Party aka United Citizens Party) (1988)

Running mate with nominee: Lenora Fulani (b. 1950)
Popular vote: 122,789 (0.13%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In 1988 Lenora Fulani was the nominee for the New Alliance Party. She managed to achieve the nearly impossible task of gaining ballot status in all 50 states + DC. In some cases the NAP worked with already existing third parties such as the Solidarity Party and United Citizens Party. In California they tried but failed to take over the Peace and Freedom Party and in the process temporarily derailed the PFP for that election year.

Meanwhile, Dennis L. Serrette the NAP Presidential nominee for 1984, denounced the Party as a toxic cult during the 1988 election season. This point of view would be shared by several in the cultbusting community.

Fulani had eight running-mates in 1988, stating "If we got elected, we'd figure it out." Chicago-based Joyce Dattner was also a disciple of NAP guru Fred Newman and was Fulani's most visible VP choice, having showed up on the ballot in 31 states + DC. She was involved in various associated NAP groups as well such as the "Rainbow Alliance." At the NAP convention in Aug. 1988, the press quoted a tearful Dattner who exclaimed, "I love you, Lenora Fulani. I love you and I'll follow you anywhere."

In 1987 Fulani said the NAP was prepared to endorse Jesse Jackson in the event he won the Democratic nomination, but in case he didn't her campaign was forging ahead.

The NAP platform included national health care, support for AIDS victims, recognition of Native American treaty rights, stronger environmental regulations, a freeze on military spending, ending aid to South Africa-the Contras in Central America-Israel, support of pro-choice laws, support of public transportation.

In response to criticism of NAP's connection with Louis Farrakhan, Dattner said in 1985: "I am someone who comes from a Zionist history and has moved to follow Black leadership. I heard Minister Farrakhan speak about women taking their rightful place and that any whites who wanted to support the movement are welcome. I know his attack on Zionism is a righteous thing."

On the NAP's 1988 goal, Dattner told a reporter, "We're out to cost Dukakis the election. I mean, look at his record. In Massachusetts, the so-called 'Massachusetts miracle' was a miracle for corporations. He supports a 'workfare' system that has welfare recipients working at less than minimum wage. He handed down an executive order that doesn't allow Gay people to be foster parents."

Nationally Fulani gained 217,221 votes (0.24%) and placed 4th, a truly impressive and historic finish on many levels-- for openers, Fulani was the first African American women to be listed on every US ballot. The Fulani/Dattner ticket had 122,789 popular votes. In the District of Columbia they placed third with 1.50% of the vote, the only jurisdiction where Fulani broke 1% with any running mate. The other strongest results for the Fulani/Dattner team: Vermont 0.65%, South Carolina 0.41%, Massachusetts 0.36%, Montana 0.35%, West Virginia 0.34%, Missouri 0.32%, Wyoming 0.31%, Maryland 0.30%. They did not appear to be spoilers in favor of Bush in any state.

Election history:
1976 - New York Assembly (Working Peoples Party) - defeated
2002 - San Francisco Board of Supervisors (Nonpartisan) - defeated

Other occupations: life coach, teacher, San Francisco chair of the Reform Party, union organizer 

Notes:
Apparently does not have a professional accredited academic degree in the field of psychology or a
 Ph.D. in any field but was sometimes billed as "Dr. Joyce Dattner" in ads marketing her lectures in
 the 1980s. She has never been a licensed psychologist from what I can ascertain.
Winner of the 1976 race was Jerry Nadler.
Was connected with the People's Party Presidential campaign in 1976.

Bill W. Thorn Sr.

Bill W. Thorn Sr., b. ca1916

VP candidate for Consumer Party (aka Citizens Party) (1984)

Running mate with nominee: Sonia Johnson (b. 1936)
Popular vote: 21,628 (0.02%)
Electoral vote: 0/538

The campaign:

In their second, and final, national election the Citizens Party selected Sonia Johnson as the standard bearer. Johnson had an inner conflict to reconcile-- she was a devout Mormon but also passionate about the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. Naturally as her ERA activism increased and she became critical of the Church she found herself excommunicated. To some she was a heretic, to others a heroine.

Barry Commoner, the 1980 Presidential nominee, endorsed Rev. Jesse Jackson in the Democratic primaries, a move that many felt took the wind out of the sails of this new third party. Another major hurdle for the 1984 campaign was that the Party was still paying off the debt from the 1980 effort.

There were three running-mates for Johnson in 1984. Richard Walton was the official VP nominee on the ballot or certified write-in in 21 states. In California Johnson had won the primary for the Peace and Freedom Party (which included defeating Dennis Serrette of the New Alliance Party and Gavrielle Holmes of the Workers World Party) and her running-mate there was Emma Wong Mar. In Pennsylvania under the banner of the Consumer Party her VP was Bill Thorn.

Thorn included a brief autobiographical statement in a newspaper profile: "For 40 years I have been leading fights in my community for civil rights, jobs, housing, rent control, and lower utility bills. I've testified before congressional committees, sued in courts, and walked picket lines seeking justice and the right to a decent life for all people."

In addition to the Peace and Freedom Party and the Consumer Party there was another major player. The Socialist Party of the United States of America decided not run a ticket in 1984 and endorsed the Citizens Party.

There was a bit of excitement in the press in Pennsylvania concerning a switch in political allegiances. Dorothy Muns Blancato, an interior decorator and Jazz pianist from Vanport, Penn. was selected as the VP for the New Alliance Party and planned to be listed in three states: Alabama, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Although news reports indicate she was originally intended to be a stand-in candidate, in August 1984 she withdrew from the ticket without informing NAP Presidential candidate Dennis Serrette first and instead endorsed Sonia Johnson of the Citizens Party. Part of the result of this complicated episode was that Serrette failed to find a place on the Pennsylvania ballot.

Although the Citizens Party had a generally progressive platform and was comprised of the largest confederation of Leftist parties in 1984, Johnson's campaign understandably made feminist issues the central focus.

The popular vote was almost evenly split three ways among the VPs. Nationally the Party grossed 72,161 votes (0.08%), a considerable decline from their 1980 performance. Interesting that 2/3 of the result came from California and Pennsylvania where they ran under the names of their host parties.

The Johnson/Thorn ticket placed 3rd in Pennsylvania with 0.45%, one of only two states (the other being Louisiana) where Johnson ran ahead of all the other third parties. It was also the state where Johnson received her second highest percentage.

The Citizens Party evaporated shortly after the election. Or did it? In hindsight we see they served as a forerunner of today's Green Party, America's 4th largest political party. Meanwhile, the Pennsylvania-based Consumer Party limped along for another Presidential election cycle.

Election history:
1982 - Pennsylvania State House of Representatives (Consumer Party) - defeated
1983 - Philadelphia City Council (Consumer Party) - defeated
1986 - Governor of Pennsylvania (Consumer Party) - withdrew

Other occupations: welder, welding instructor, tenants rights activist, founder of Montrose Civic Association,

Buried: ?

Notes:
Withdrew from the 1986 race for Governor of Pennsylvania after suffering a stroke.
Possibly the same as Willie W. Thorn 1916-1993 but I cannot make the connection.

Emma Wong Mar

Emma Wong Mar, September 7, 1926 (New York, NY) – September 16, 2015 (Oakland, Calif.)

VP candidate for Peace and Freedom Party (aka Citizens Party) (1984)
VP candidate for Peace and Freedom Party (aka Internationalist Workers Party) (1988)

Running mate with nominee (1984): Sonia Johnson (b. 1936)
Running mate with nominee (1988): Herbert G. Lewin (1914-2010)
Popular vote (1984): 26,297 (0.03%)
Popular vote (1988) : 219 (0.00%)
Electoral vote (1984, 1988): 0/538

The campaign (1984):

In their second, and final, national election the Citizens Party selected Sonia Johnson as the standard bearer. Johnson had an inner conflict to reconcile-- she was a devout Mormon but also passionate about the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. Naturally as her ERA activism increased and she became critical of the Church she found herself excommunicated. To some she was a heretic, to others a heroine.

Barry Commoner, the 1980 Presidential nominee, endorsed Rev. Jesse Jackson in the Democratic primaries, a move that many felt took the wind out of the sails of this new third party. Another major hurdle for the 1984 campaign was that the Party was still paying off the debt from the 1980 effort.

There were three running-mates for Johnson in 1984. Richard Walton was the official VP nominee on the ballot or certified write-in in 21 states. In California Johnson had won the primary for the Peace and Freedom Party (which included defeating Dennis Serrette of the New Alliance Party and Gavrielle Holmes of the Workers World Party) and her running-mate there was Emma Wong Mar. In Pennsylvania under the banner of the Consumer Party her VP was Bill Thorn.

Mar has the distinction of being the first Asian American VP on a Presidential ticket.

In addition to the Peace and Freedom Party and the Consumer Party there was another major player. The Socialist Party of the United States of America decided not run a ticket in 1984 and endorsed the Citizens Party.

Although the Citizens Party had a generally progressive platform and was comprised of the largest confederation of Leftist parties in 1984, Johnson's campaign understandably made feminist issues the central focus.

The popular vote was almost evenly split three ways among the VPs. Nationally the Party grossed 72,161 votes (0.08%), a considerable decline from their 1980 performance. Interesting that 2/3 of the result came from California and Pennsylvania where they ran under the names of their host parties.

The Johnson/Mar ticket placed 5th in California with 0.28%, but it was Johnson's highest popular vote (26,297) of any single state and the third largest percentage.

The Citizens Party evaporated shortly after the election. Or did it? In hindsight we see they served as a forerunner of today's Green Party, America's 4th largest political party.

The campaign (1988):

In the 1988 election the Peace and Freedom Party appeared to be in a bit of disarray as it tried to fend off a takeover attempt by the New Alliance Party. The PFP appeared to have been seriously split and a third of the delegates walked out of the convention in Oakland. This was a rare election where the PFP did not appear on the Presidential ballot in California. NAP leader Lenora Fulani and Internationalist Workers Party figure Herb Lewin both claimed the nomination but when they filed with the California Secretary of State the election officials refused to recognize either one as the legitimate Presidential selection.

Lewin claimed victory but Fulani said she was nominated at a "parallel convention" in a nearby hotel.

It seems the PFP party officials made the request not to list either one on the ballot. Party chair and 1980 presidential nominee Maureen Smith told the press the nomination process "never got off on a legal start" since so many delegates were not credentialed.

Old time Trotskyite and retired machinist Herb Lewin of Pennsylvania acted as if he was the PFP nominee anyway. Lewin had lost the Liberty Union Party primary in Vermont, and also the non-binding California primary for the Peace and Freedom Party. He had a history with the Socialist Workers Party but by 1984 had been selected by the ultra-obscure Internationalist Workers Party to be their first President candidate. Their method was to work within existing Leftist political parties.

During the campaign Lewin criticized the New Alliance and Workers World parties for being too cozy with the Democrats.

He was on the ballot in three states as the PFP Presidential candidate: New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Vermont. Also as a registered write-in in California. Vikki Murdock was his running-mate the first two states, Mar the VP in Vermont and California. It isn't clear between Murdock or Mar who was serving as the official nominee and who was the stand-in, or indeed if that situation even existed. Some news reports did vaguely indicate Mar was the actual Party selection. She described herself to the media as "an independent Socialist."

Nationally Lewin earned 10,367 popular votes (0.01%) mostly from New Jersey. The Lewin/Mar ticket received 58 write-in votes in California and 219 votes (0.07%) on the ballot in Vermont.

Election history:
1982 - California State Assembly (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1986 - California State Assembly (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1990 - Lt. Governor of California (Peace and Freedom Party) - primary - defeated
1992 - California State Assembly (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated
1994 - US House of Representatives (Calif.) (Peace and Freedom Party) - defeated

Other occupations: medical technologist, Planned Parenthood,  State Chair of the Peace and Freedom Party, union activist

Buried: ?

Notes:
Winner in the 1994 race was Ron Dellums.